Foreign governments found ways to pour money into American politics, buy influence over officials, and shape what you read — often without you ever knowing. This statute shuts those doors: no foreign-government money, no dual loyalty in office, mandatory disclosure of foreign influence — while fully protecting the speech of citizens and residents.
Foreign-government money could reach American campaigns by routing through domestic shells, nonprofits, and trade groups that hid where it came from.Check it
Officials could take payments, favorable deals, and promised future jobs from foreign governments — loyalties quietly bought.Check it
Foreign influence operations shaped public opinion through funded media and advocacy, often with no label telling you the source.Check it
And a foreign government could hold real control over the media and platforms Americans rely on for information.Check it
No foreign government, party, or state-controlled entity may fund American politics at any level — directly or routed through any intermediary. Conduits are personally liable.
No official may take payments, gifts, or promised jobs from a foreign government. Acting under foreign direction, or compromised by foreign financial dependence, is grounds for removal.
Anyone acting at a foreign government's direction or funding to influence Americans must register, disclose, and label the message's foreign origin.
Foreign-government control of American media and platforms is prohibited — and the speech of citizens and residents is fully protected, never reached by these rules.
Prohibited foreign funds slipped into politics by passing through citizens, corporations, nonprofits, and trade associations that concealed the origin.Check it
No foreign-government money in American politics at any level, and no routing it through any intermediary to hide its source. A domestic group that receives foreign-government funds and spends them politically is liable; a knowing conduit is personally liable. Where credible evidence of foreign funding is shown, the spender must prove the money was clean.
Officeholders could accept foreign payments, favorable deals, and promised future employment, with loyalties shaped by that dependence.Check it
No official may take a payment, gift, office, or promised job from a foreign government for themselves or their household, during service and for a set period after. Acting under foreign direction, or being compromised by foreign financial dependence, is grounds for removal and, where it fits, prosecution. Nominal, disclosed diplomatic courtesies remain fine.
Funded media, paid advocacy, and organized influence operations reached the public with no disclosure of their foreign-government backing.Check it
Anyone acting at a foreign government's direction or material funding to influence American officials or opinion must register, disclose the relationship and funding, and conspicuously label the message's foreign-government origin — so you know who's really talking to you.
Broad "foreign influence" rules risked sweeping in ordinary citizens who simply held or shared unpopular views.Check it
These rules reach only those acting at the direction or material funding of a foreign government. They never reach a citizen or resident speaking their own mind. And foreign-government control of the media and platforms Americans rely on is prohibited outright.
Aid commitments could harden into permanent obligations, difficult to revisit as circumstances changed.Check it
Foreign aid commitments remain perpetually reviewable — the people's representatives can always reexamine them, so no arrangement outlives the public's consent.
Trade deals created private tribunals where a foreign corporation could sue the United States over a clean-water rule, a wage law, or a safety standard — outside any American court, before arbitrators, with the public paying the award. The threat alone was enough: regulations got softened before they were ever written. And the texts often weren’t public until the vote.Check it
No treaty or trade agreement can put American law before a tribunal with power to strike it down or bill us for it. Investor-state dispute settlement is prohibited whatever it’s called, and any award against the United States is void and unenforceable — no court recognizes it, no officer pays it, no appropriation covers it. Foreign investors get exactly the same courts and protections as anyone else: equal treatment, not superior. Existing deals get renegotiated or we exit that mechanism, and no agreement passes without 90 days of public text.
This is the plain-language version. The binding text is CS-35, which implements Article Twenty-Five, Section 7 of the Constitution.
This is your country’s law. Help shape the next draft of it.
